Friday, December 9, 2011

Rare documents on Bhagat Singh's trial and life in jail


 Rare documents on Bhagat Singh's trial and life in jail

Digitalised records with the Supreme Court reveal some inspiring facets of the revolutionary. Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt offered themselves for arrest after throwing harmless bombs in the Central Assembly to 'make the deaf hear.' Their case drew worldwide attention.

When the Supreme Court of India established a museum to display landmarks in the history of India's judicial system, it also put on display records of some historic trials. The first exhibition that was organised was the ‘Trial of Bhagat Singh.' It was opened on September 28, 2007, on the occasion of the birth centenary celebrations of one of the most significant among martyrs and popular heroes. Noorul Hooda, Curator of the Museum, and Rajmani Srivastava of the National Archives worked to collect documents, items like bomb shell remains, pictures and publications. Not all of what was collected could be displayed in the exhibition. In 2008, the Supreme Court digitalised the exhibits. Some of Bhagat Singh's rare writings thus came to light for the first time since he was executed on March 23, 1931 at the Lahore Central Jail along with Rajguru and Sukhdev. How the three young patriots were put to judicial murder, is brought out by the eminent legal scholar, A.G. Noorani, in his book, The Trial of Bhagat Singh — Politics of Justice.

The most significant part of Bhagat Singh's life is that spent in jail since his arrest on April 8, 1929 from the Central Assembly in Delhi, where he and B.K. Dutt offered themselves to be arrested after throwing harmless bombs in the Assembly to ‘make the deaf hear.' They faced two trials. The first was in the Delhi bomb case. It started on May 7, 1929 in Delhi and was committed to the Sessions Judge, on charges under Section 307 of the Indian Penal Code and the Explosives Act. That trial started in June. Bhagat Singh and Dutt made a historic statement on June 6. Dutt was represented by the nationalist counsel Asaf Ali. Bhagat Singh fought his own case with the help of a legal adviser.

On June 12, in less than a week, both were convicted and transported for life. From the June 6 statement to his last letter to his comrades written on March 22, 1931, a day before his execution, Bhagat Singh read and wrote so much: one can only marvel at the explosion of talent at the age of 21 years-plus. He wrote letters to family members and friends, jail and court officials, and penned major articles including Why I am an Atheist, Letter to Young Political Workers, and Jail Notebook.

On June 14, after the conviction, Bhagat Singh was transferred to Mianwali and Dutt to the Lahore jail. That was the start of a chain of struggles throughout the period they were in jail. It began with a hunger strike from June 15 by both Bhagat Singh and Dutt, demanding the status of political prisoners. Bhagat Singh was also shifted to Lahore jail after some time. He and Dutt were kept away from the other accused in the Lahore conspiracy case, such as Sukhdev. The trial in that case, related to the murder of Saunders, began on July 10, 1929. Bhagat Singh, who was on hunger strike since June 15 along with Dutt, was brought to the court on a stretcher. The other accused in the case came to know about this hunger strike on that day, and almost all of them joined the strike.

This historic hunger strike by Bhagat Singh and his comrades resulted in the martyrdom of Jitender Das on September 13, 1929. Bhagat Singh and the other comrades ended their hunger strike on September 2 after receiving assurances from a Congress party team and British officials on the acceptance of their demands, but they resumed it on September 4 as the British officials went back on their word. It finally ended on October 4 after 112 days, though the status of “political prisoner” was still not given; some other demands were acceded to.

During the Lahore conspiracy case trial conducted by Special Magistrate Rai Sahib Pandit Kishan Chand, an incident occurred on October 21, 1929. Provoked by an approver named Jai Gopal, Prem Dutt, the youngest among the accused persons, threw a slipper at him. Despite the other accused dissociating themselves from the act, the magistrate ordered the handcuffing of all of them. Bhagat Singh, Shiv Verma, B.K. Dutt, Bejoy Kumar Sinha, Ajoy Ghosh, Prem Dutt and others were beaten after they refused to be handcuffed. They were treated brutally inside the jail and at the court gate in front of the magistrate. Ajoy Ghosh and Shiv Verma fell unconscious following the police brutality. Bhagat Singh was targeted by a British officer by name Roberts.

The details of the brutalities were recorded by Bejoy Kumar Sinha. In February 1930, Bhagat Singh resumed his hunger strike for 15 days, as the British officials did not fulfil the promises they had made earlier with respect to demands.

Meanwhile, the fame of revolutionaries, arising from their hunger strikes and court statements, soared, while the image of the British was at its lowest ebb. The case drew attention the world over. While dismissing appeals from Bhagat Singh and Dutt against the Delhi bomb case judgment, the Punjab High Court in Lahore acknowledged Bhagat Singh to be a ‘Sincere Revolutionary.'

The British colonial regime led by Viceroy Irwin took the unprecedented step of issuing the Lahore conspiracy case ordinance on May 1, 1930. Under this, the proceedings that were being conducted by a Special Magistrate in Lahore were transferred to a three-judge Special Tribunal established to complete them within a fixed period. The Tribunal's judgment was not to be challenged in the superior courts; only the Privy Council could hear any appeal. This ordinance was never approved by the Central Assembly or the British Parliament, and it lapsed later without any legal or constitutional sanctity. Its only purpose was to hang Bhagat Singh in the shortest possible time. That judgment sentencing Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru to the gallows was delivered on October 7, 1930.

The Tribunal began its proceedings on May 5, 1930. The accused in the Lahore conspiracy case refused to attend the proceedings after May 12. On that day they raised slogans and sung revolutionary songs. Brutalities were repeated on them, as in October 1929, in front of the Special Magistrate. This time Ajoy Ghosh, Kundan Lal and Prem Dutt fell unconscious. The accused remained absent during the whole proceedings and remained unrepresented by counsel. Advocates engaged to defend them were insulted by the Tribunal. Subsequently, the accused themselves directed them not to defend them in their absence. These details are in A.G. Noorani's book, The Trial of Bhagat Singh.

What remained out of view all these years were the many letters that Bhagat Singh wrote and the petitions he sent to either the jail authorities or to the Special Tribunal or to the Punjab High Court, during the period 1929-1930. In these letters and petitions, Bhagat Singh sought to expose the British colonial regime's determined efforts to get him hanged by denying the accused any defence during the trial. Even though the accused were choosing not to be present in the court, they were participating in the legal proceedings through counsel. The Tribunal refused the revolutionaries' counsel, Amolak Ram Kapoor, permission to cross-examine 457 prosecution witnesses and allowed the cross-examination of only five approvers. This was a farce.

The letters reveal another hunger strike by Bhagat Singh from July 28, 1930, on which he himself informed the High Court it was against the jail rules. He was joined in the hunger strike by Kundan Lal, Prem Dutt Verma, Sukhdev and Bejoy Kumar Sinha. This hunger strike continued till at least August 22. With this, the total period of hunger strikes observed during his nearly two-year incarceration becomes about five months. Probably this is more than the total period of Mahatma Gandhi's hunger strikes during his prolonged political career starting from South Africa.

When the court finally allowed interviews as sought by Bhagat Singh to prepare his defence, and when he asked for an adjournment of the case, the court closed the proceedings without giving any chance to defence counsel to cross-examine prosecution witnesses or present defence witnesses. Then it reserved judgment, which was delivered on October 7, 1930.

More such documents might emerge. The compilation of the complete proceedings of the Delhi Assembly bomb case and the Special Magistrate Court's proceedings could bring more facts to light. The Punjab Archives in Lahore has 135 files of the Bhagat Singh case. These are not accessible even to Pakistani scholars; Kuldip Nayar is now trying to get access to them. In 2006, at the time of the 75th anniversary of the martyrdom of Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev, the Acting Chief Justice of the Pakistan Supreme Court, Rana Bhagwan Dass, handed over to the Punjab and Haryana High Court in Chandigarh four volumes of exhibits of the Lahore conspiracy case. These included some new documents.

While the source of the documents in the Supreme Court records is not clearly mentioned, undoubtedly these are part of the trial proceedings at both levels. The letters, self-explanatory in the context of the freedom struggle, show the amazing command Bhagat Singh had over the English language, apart from Urdu, Hindi and Punjabi, his knowledge of legal terminology and his beautiful handwriting. In the book, Gandhi and Bhagat Singh, historian V.N. Dutta expressed doubts about Bhagat Singh's command over English as he was an under-graduate. He sought to ascribe the language to Jawaharlal Nehru or Asaf Ali. For legal professionals, scholars and students, the letters present a wonderful experience of how Bhagat Singh had such maturity in complex matters of legal defence.

But Bhagat Singh's very talent and competence scared the British colonial regime and it became even more determined to get rid of him.

The Supreme Court's digitalised records include nearly 20 written Bhagat Singh documents. Some of these, such as the June 6, 1929 statement, ‘Ideal of Indian Revolution,' have been published. Only 12 letters or petitions remain unpublished. This writer acknowledges the permission granted by the Supreme Court to do so. Ten of the documents are in complete form. Only the first page remains of two letters/documents, one relating to the October 21, 1929 incident in court and another petition from early-1930; the second and likely final page in these two are not in the digital records. Also available now is a photograph of Bhagat Singh and Dutt, published in ‘Bande Matram', Lahore (on April 12, 1929) and Hindustan Times (April 18, 1929). This was taken by photographer Sham Lal of Kashmere Gate in Delhi on April 4, 1929 and sent to newspapers for publication by Bhagat Singh's comrades. The writer is grateful to the National Archives, New Delhi, for providing the rare newspaper photographs.

[Chaman Lal, the editor of the Bhagat Singh Documents (Hindi: Publications Division) and the Jail Notebook and Other Writings (LeftWord), is a Professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, now on deputation to The University of the West Indies, Trinidad &Tobago, as Visiting Professor.]



At last, a truthful minister


At last, a truthful minister
M D Nalapat

Whatever be the situation in other countries, in India it is assumed that whenever a minister speaks to the public, he or she is lying. Once, an educationist known to this columnist spoke for more than an hour to a Cabinet minister on the phone. His comment was that “The minister called up and gave his name. That was the only truth he uttered. The rest of what he spoke were lies”. Although the United Progressive Alliance government advertises itself as being a representative of the “common man”, the reality is that the Manmohan Singh Cabinet has more billionaires in it than any previous team. As for UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi, although on record she and her two children are middle class (with Sonia Gandhi not being able to - according to her written statements - afford even a car or a television set), the reality is that one or two or all of them travel abroad almost once a week, and while sojourning in expensive locations in Europe, do not lack for comforts that only money can buy, and that too, a lot of it.

Of course,the media in India is terrified of Sonia Gandhi ( who has her protection squad headed by Political Secretary Ahmed Patel and including heavyweights such as Home Minister P Chidambaram, a team that can be relied upon to ensure that media outlets who go against Sonia Gandhi very soon realise and accept the error of their ways). Hence no report of any such travel ever appears in the local press, not to speak of a photograph. This is in contrast to genuine democracies, where photographs and news reports of leaders and their families going abroad are common.

Because of the awesome power of patronage that is theirs to command, the ruling branch of the Nehru family ( now comprising of Sonia Gandhi, her bachelor son Rahul and daughter Priyanka and her husband Robert Vadra) can boast of numerous senior officials who are proud to flaunt the fact that they are servitors. B V Wanchoo, for long head of the Special Protection Force and one of the seniormost police officers, has been shown on television running alongside vehicles conveying Sonia and her close family members. He has repeatedly been promoted and given extensions as a reward for such loyalty. Another police officer, Ashwani Kumar, became a talking point among police officers in Himachal Pradesh because of the time he is reported to have spent in ensuring proper construction of Priyanka Vadra’s mansion in that state.

Kumar too was rewarded for his fierce loyalty by being appointed Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), one of the most lucrative posts in the Government of India. Or to give another of numerous examples, Pulok Chatterjee ( who will next week take over as the all-powerful Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister) has distinguished himself for the dedicated way in which he looks after the desires of India’s ruling family.Indeed,officials say that it was Chatterjee who conveyed to the Cabinet Secretariat that “Madame” ( as Sonia was known) wanted Kumar to be the new CBI chief. In the process, the individual who had already been slotted for that post, M L Sharma, was bypassed at the last minute in a humiliating manner. This although Kumar dis not have even a fraction of the investigative experience of Sharma, although it must be said to his credit that he certainly knows how to construct a beautiful home.

Now that Pulok Chatterjee will take charge of the Prime Minister’s Office, the writ of Sonia Gandhi will run there unfettered. However, the problem facing the public is that few of the political and personal linkages of favourite officials ever comes to light in a media that is very, very careful not to upset the truly powerful and the very vindictive. Not merely that, these officials and their political masters usually lie through their teeth, so as to mislead the public. It was therefore a surprise to see Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee stand by a truthful officer in his department who had - for once within the “committed to political control” senior bureaucracy - told the truth in an official memorandum about the involvement of high-ups in the case of 2G spectrum. This in the face of immense pressure from Congress Party bigwigs to disown the officer and protect the guilty. It may be remembered that the Government of India lost a minimum of $12 billion because of its refusal to auction spectrum instead of practically giving it away to a few favored companies. Since the Supreme Court started taking an interest in the matter, the Central Bureau of Investigation has worked overtime to convince both the court as well as the public that the ruling Congress Party had nothing to do with the allocation of 2G spectrum. The CBI has thus far sent only those who are allies of the Congress Party to jail, such as former Telecom Minister A Raja and MP and poetess Kanimozhi. Next week, the CBI looks set to send yet another Cabinet Minister to jail, this being Dayanidhi Maran, again belonging to an ally of the Congress Party.

Although they are too frightened of the consequences to go against the Congress leadership in public, despite the fact that it is this group that has made them the sole scapegoats for the scam, yet senior allies of the Congress claim in private that “60% of the bribes received in the 2G allocation went to the Congress Party”. They even allege that Attorney-General Goolam Vahanwati ( a close friend of Political Secretary Ahmed Patel) was the individual who pushed for a particular company to be given spectrum. Of course, there is no proof for such a claim, and friends of the Attorney-General say that he does not even know anyone connected with the acquiring of 2G licenses, and hence could not have recommended any company for the same. The CBI, of course, will not investigate the Attorney-General, for exactly the same reason why it has refused to investigate Union Home Minister P Chidambaram. The CBI is staffed by draftees from the Indian Police Service ( IPS) and Vahanwati and Chidambaram have the clout to damage careers of those within that cadre, hence they are kept outside the ambit of investigations. Usually, only scapegoats are proceeded against, with the masterminds escaping. So slack is the CBI that it routinely loses legal cases against influential people,most recently against Abu Salem, who is wanted in India for terror offenses. A court in Portugal threw out the CBI’s case a few days ago, because of legal technicalities that seem to have been deliberately planted so as to ensure that Salem escape. Either that, or the lawyers advising the CBI in the case ( who were chosen by the Attorney-General’s office) are among the worst in the country.

In such a murky atmosphere, it has come as a welcome relief to find a Cabinet minister who is not afraid to speak the truth,even if in the process, he may annoy UPA Supremo Sonia Gandhi and lose his job. Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee has declined to whitewash facts relating to the decision-making process involving 2G spectrum, even if in the process he exposes the role of P Chidambaram, a Cabinet appointee who is a favourite of Sonia Gandhi. Unfortunately for Mukherjee, his formal boss, the Prime Minister, is not known to have the backbone needed to stand up to the fund collectors in the Congress Party, and hence may agree to toss Mukherjee aside to satisfy party VVIPs. The period since 2004 has been a sad one for those who admire Manmohan Singh. The PM is either unable or unwilling to stand up for principles that he believes in, such as integrity. True, neither he nor his family members have made any money out of government decisions, but can this excuse the fact that he has allowed several scams to take place under his watch? Only for the past year has there been a change in his See No Evil attitude. For the first time, the PM is enforcing accountability, although as yet not to those from within his own party, a party where fund-collectors have huge influence at the expense of sincere party workers.

The example of Pranab Mukherjee will hopefully get followed by the PM himself, and by all the others who are honest and disgusted at the way the administration is run by those who seek only personal gain. Even within the police or the other branches of the administration, the majority of officers are honest and sincere.Sadly, they have almost always been pushed aside by dishonest colleagues who pander to the wants of key politicians. The more the honest among them raise their voice, and the more they get political support the way Mukherjee has backed his officials, the sooner will India get free of the quagmire that graft and selfishness have pushed it into…

—The writer is Vice-Chair, Manipal Advanced Research Group, UNESCO Peace Chair & Professor of Geopolitics, Manipal University, Haryana State, India.

Dubai Port World Kochi, Red Sander Smuggling and Anti- National Activities


Dubai Port World Kochi, Red Sander Smuggling and Anti- National Activities


रक्त चन्दन तस्करी, दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड की सांठगांठ औरSEZ एवं बंदरगाहों की सुरक्षा पर प्रश्नचिन्ह… 

भारत सरकार की सब कुछ निजी हाथों में बेचो की नीति(?) के तहत कोच्चि बंदरगाह पर दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड (DPW) नामक एक निजी कम्पनी, अंतरराष्ट्रीय कंटेनर टर्मिनल चलाती है। बंदरगाहों जैसे नाज़ुक सुरक्षा स्थानों पर देश के साथ कैसा खिलवाड़ किया जा रहा है, यह पिछले कुछ दिनों में कोच्चि बंदरगाह की घटनाओं से साफ़ हो जाता है। देशद्रोहियों एवं तस्करों की आपसी सांठगांठ को दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड जैसी कम्पनियाँ अपना मूक या अंदरखाने सक्रिय समर्थन दे रही हैं।

मामला कुछ यूँ है कि खुफ़िया राजस्व निदेशालय (Directorate of Revenue Intelligence DRI) ने कुछ दिनों पहले दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड (Dubai Port World) द्वारा नियंत्रित एवं संचालित कोच्चि बंदरगाह पर छापा मारा एवं रक्तचन्दन की बेहद महंगी लकड़ियों से भरा एक कंटेनर जब्त किया, जिसकी कीमत करोड़ों रुपए है। DRI के अधिकारियों ने पाया कि इस चन्दन तस्करी के पीछे एक पूरा तंत्र काम कर रहा है जिसे आंध्रप्रदेश में कार्यरत माओवादियों का भी सक्रिय समर्थन हासिल है।

(चित्र :- दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड के कोच्चि टर्मिनल उदघाटन का) 
जब DRI अधिकारियों ने इस मामले में सबूत जुटाने शुरु किए तो उन्हें पता चला कि इस चन्दन तस्करी गैंग के प्रमुख कर्ताधर्ता कन्नूर निवासी शफ़ीक एवं चेन्नई निवासी शाहुल हमीद हैं, जो कि दुबई में रहते हैं और वहीं से इस रैकेट को संचालित करते हैं। आंध्रप्रदेश और कर्नाटक के जंगलों से रक्त चन्दन के बहुमूल्य पेड़ों को काटकर इसे दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड के बंदरगाह द्वारा दुबई पहुँचाया जाता रहा है, जहाँ से शफ़ीक और हमीद इसे हांगकांग एवं चीन भेज देते हैं, जहाँ महंगे फ़र्नीचरों तथा बहुमूल्य वाद्य यंत्रों के निर्माण में इस लकड़ी का प्रयोग किया जाता है। DRI की जाँच में पता चला है कि यह एक अंतर्राष्ट्रीय गैंग है जिसके तार केरल, आंध्रप्रदेश, तमिलनाडु, दुबई व चीन तक फ़ैले हुए हैं।DRI ने इस मामले में इंटरपोल की मदद भी माँगी है, ताकि शफ़ीक एवं हमीद को भारत लाया जा सके।

समूचे मामले का भण्डाफ़ोड़ उस समय हुआ जब DRI के अधिकारियों ने शक के आधार पर पलक्कड निवासी अनिल कुमार के एक कण्टेनर को पकड़ा जिसे रबर की चटाईयों के नाम पर देश के बाहर भेजा जा रहा था, जबकि उसमें रक्त चन्दन की लकड़ियाँ भरी पड़ी थीं। इसके बाद राजस्व अधिकारियों के कान खड़े हुए और उन्होंने तत्काल एक अन्य कंटेनरों में भरी 17 टन लकड़ियाँ (मूल्य ढाई करोड़) तथा एक अन्य कण्टेनर में 10 टन लकड़ियाँ जब्त कीं, मजे की बात यह है कि दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड के कर्मचारियों द्वारा इन कण्टेनरों को रबर चटाई कंटेनर कहकर कस्टम से पास कर दिया गया था। पूछताछ में अनिल कुमार ने बताया कि उसे यह लकड़ियाँ कडप्पा और चित्तूर से प्राप्त हुई हैं, यह इलाका नक्सलियों का गढ़ माना जाता है, जहाँ उनकी मर्जी के बिना कोई भी ट्रक न बाहर जा सकता है, न अन्दर आ सकता है। अब DRI के खुफ़िया अधिकारी इसकी जाँच कर रहे हैं कि रक्त चन्दन की तस्करी की आड़ में नक्सली सिर्फ़ करोड़ों रुपया कमाने में लगे हैं अथवा इनकी सांठगांठ दुबई स्थित डी-कम्पनी से भी है और दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड कम्पनी तथा SEZ की आड़ में नक्सली हथियार भी प्राप्त कर रहे हैं।

जिस प्रकार छत्तीसगढ़, झारखण्ड जैसे राज्यों में नक्सलियों की आय बॉक्साइट एवं अयस्क खदान ठेकेदारों से वसूली द्वारा होती है, उसी प्रकार आंध्रप्रदेश में नक्सलियों की आय लकड़ी तस्करों एवं रेड्डी बंधुओं जैसे महाकाय खनिज माफ़िया से चौथ वसूली के जरिये होती है, वरना 2-2 लाख रुपये में मिलने वाली AK-47 जैसे महंगे हथियार उन्हें कहाँ से मिलेंगे, चीन और पाकिस्तान भी नक्सलियों को फ़ोकट में हथियार कब तक देंगे? वीरप्पन की मौत के बाद रक्त चन्दन तस्करी पर माफ़िया एवं नक्सलियों का कब्जा हो रहा है।

इस घटना से यह स्पष्ट हुआ है कि वल्लारपदम (कोच्चि) स्थित एवं दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड कम्पनी द्वारा संचालित यह बंदरगाह अंतर्राष्ट्रीय तस्करों, नक्सलियों एवं अवैध व्यापार करने वालों का स्वर्ग बन चुका है। सबसे खतरनाक बात यह है कि SEZ के नाम पर इस कम्पनी को विशेषाधिकार(?) प्राप्त हैं, तथा बंदरगाह के अधिकांश इलाके में कस्टम विभाग, DRI अधिकारियों एवं भारत सरकार का कोई नियंत्रण नहीं है। दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड कम्पनी, पहले भी एक-दो बार कस्टम अधिकारियों को उनके इलाके(?) से दुत्कार कर भगा चुकी है। इसके बाद यह तय किया गया कि दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड द्वारा जहाजों पर लादे जाने वाले माल एवं सभी कण्टेनरों की जाँच कस्टम विभाग इस बंदरगाह से कुछ किलोमीटर दूर स्थित विलिंग़डन द्वीप पर करेगा, एक बार यह जाँच पूरी होने के बाद कस्टम एवं DRI का इस पर कोई नियंत्रण नहीं होता। सब कुछ बेचो नीति के तहत भारत सरकार इस अपमानजनक स्थिति में फ़ँसी हुई है, जबकि उस विलिंग़डन द्वीप से लेकर दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड संचालित बंदरगाह तक बीच के चन्द किलोमीटर के रास्ते में तस्कर और अंतर्राष्ट्रीय अपराधी अपना खेल कर जाते हैं, और या तो पूरा का पूरा कण्टेनर ही बदल देते हैं या कण्टेनर के अन्दर का माल रबर चटाई की जगह रक्त चन्दन मे बदल जाता है।

दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड कम्पनी के प्रवक्ता का कहना है कि हमारा इस मामले से कोई लेना-देना नहीं है, हमारी अपनी सुरक्षा व्यवस्था(?) है जो पूरी तरह चाक-चौबन्द है। यदि भारत सरकार एवं कस्टम अधिकारियों को कोई शिकायत है तो वे नियमों में परिवर्तन करके पूरे बंदरगाह की स्थायी सुरक्षा केन्द्रीय औद्योगिक सुरक्षा बल (CISF) को सौंप सकते हैं।

केरल में काम कर रहे इस्लामी जिहादियों तथा अपराधियों के खाड़ी देशों से काफ़ी पुरानेमधुर सम्बन्ध हैं, ऐसे में अल्लाह ही जानता है कि दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड कम्पनी के इस बंदरगाह से न जाने किस कण्टेनर में कौन सा माल आया और कौन सा माल भारत से बाहर गया। जैसा कि कई रिपोर्टों में बताया जा चुका है, केरल में मलप्पुरम नामक एक मुस्लिम बहुल जिला है, जहाँ केरल सरकार और पुलिस की औकात दो कौड़ी की भी नहीं है, वहाँ समानांतर इस्लामी शरीयत सरकार चलती है। ऐसा बताया जाता है कि मलप्पुरम, कासरगौड़, कन्नूर जिलों के अन्दरूनी इलाके में डी-कम्पनी द्वारा भारी मात्रा में पाकिस्तानी करेंसी खपाई गई है तथा गुटों के आपसी लेनदेन में इस करेंसी को स्वीकार भी किया जाता है। लगता है कि अब धीरे-धीरे हम कासरगौड जिले से लेकर त्रिवेन्द्रम तक समूचे समुद्री तट पर एक अन्य समानान्तर व्यवस्था कायम कर देंगे, जिसे संचालित करने वाली दुबई पोर्ट वर्ल्ड जैसी कम्पनियाँ होंगी, जिन पर खुली अर्थव्यवस्थाएवं SEZ के नियमों के कारण भारत सरकार का नहीं, बल्कि खाड़ी देशों के अपराधियों का नियंत्रण होगा।
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स्रोत :-

Nagaland to get new Flag, Special Status


Nagaland to get new Flag, Special Status

Nagas set to get special status

The ongoing talks with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Issac-Muivah) has entered a crucial stage with the Union home ministry ready to grant Nagaland the status of a special category state, and offer it control over Naga-dominated areas of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh through independent Naga councils.

With an accord in the offing, what has been kept under wraps so far is that the MHA has also adopted a liberal approach on the NSCN(I-M) charter of demands, which include a separate flag and Naga nomenclature for official posts in the proposed state, which would with more autonomy.

MHA sources told this newspaper that the ministry had not taken the views of “stakeholder states” into consideration while agreeing to these demands. Negotiators from both sides had also agreed to drop the word “Nagalim” from the proposed agreement, but conceded most demands on which the NSCN (I-M) was set. The outfit has, however, agreed to give up its demand for a “sovereign” Nagaland.

The sources admitted that the three states neighbouring Nagaland may strongly object to the proposed agreement, but given home minister P. Chidambaram’s insistence on signing an accord the rebel outfit was in a position to dictate terms. The MHA is now likely to hold separate meetings with the CMs of the three states on the issue of Naga-dominated areas.

In Assam, a part of North Cachar Hills and some areas on the Karbi Anglong border next to Nagaland are proposed to be administered through a development council for Nagas. While state boundaries would not change, the proposed councils for Naga-dominated areas outside Nagaland would exercise effective control there. Besides development, the councils will be responsible for protecting Naga culture, customs and traditions in these areas in consultation with Nagaland.

Two similar councils will be formed in Manipur to run Naga-dominated hill areas) and Arunachal Pradesh (to administer Tirap, Changlang and a part of Lohit district). The MHA sources said the creation of these enclaves in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam would have serious repercussions: these states have always opposed such proposals

उदयपुर में बनेगा प्रताप गौरव केंद्र

उदयपुर में बनेगा प्रताप गौरव केंद्र

महाराणा प्रताप की 57 फीट ऊंची प्रतिमा स्थापित होगी, एक अरब आएगा खर्च 
जोधपुर मेवाड़ के इतिहास की गौरवपूर्ण विरासत से वर्तमान पीढ़ी को परिचित कराने के लिए उदयपुर में नीमच माता मंदिर के पीछे टाइगर हिल्स पर 25 बीघा जमीन पर 100 करोड़ की लागत से प्रताप गौरव केंद्र की स्थापना की जाएगी। यहां पर महाराणा प्रताप की 57 फीट ऊंची प्रतिमा लगेगी।
वीर शिरोमणि महाराणा प्रताप समिति के जोधपुर महानगर संयोजक व विधायक कैलाश भंसाली ने सोमवार को पत्रकार वार्ता में यह जानकारी दी। उन्होंने बताया कि प्रताप केंद्र से जोधपुर की जनता जोडऩे के लिए विस्तृत योजना तैयार की गई हैं। इसके लिए विभिन्न स्तरों पर 100 से ज्यादा टोलियों का गठन किया गया है। इसके लिए राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ द्वारा संचालित सभी शाखाओं के स्वयंसेवकों ने घर- घर जन जागरण का कार्य शुरू कर दिया है। उन्होंने बताया कि जोधपुर व बीकानेर से प्रताप गौरव केंद्र के निर्माण के लिए 35 करोड़ रुपए एकत्रित करने का लक्ष्य रखा गया है। निर्माण केंद्र पर अब तक 3 करोड़ के कार्य पूरे करवाए जा चुके हैं। समिति के प्रवक्ता महेंद्र दवे ने बताया कि जोधपुर जिले को 12 क्षेत्रों में बांटने के साथ योजनाबद्ध तरीके से कार्य प्रारंभ किया गया है।
दर्शनीय केंद्रों का निर्माण भी होगा 
दवे ने बताया कि स्मारक में दो सौ लोगों के बैठने लायक समता का फिल्म थियेटर, मेवाड़ का इतिहास बताने वाली तीन सौ चित्रों की प्रदर्शनी, शस्त्रागार केंद्र, राष्ट्रीय गौरव दीर्घा, वनवासी गौरव दीर्घा, मेवाड़ कला दीर्घा, मेवाड़ दर्शन के लिए लघु प्रतिमाएं स्थापित होंगी, संस्कृति विहार, भक्ति धाम, मेवाड़ शोध केंद्र, भारत माता मंदिर, रोप वे, प्रताप जलाशय के साथ किड्स गार्डन सहित अन्य निर्माण कार्य होंगे।