Tuesday, May 28, 2013

पाकिस्तानी विद्वान मुबारक हैदर - " भारत की मुख्य धारा में शामिल हो भारतीय मुसलमान "


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सारी मुस्लिम दुनिया में conspiracy theories का बोलबाला
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अपनी असफलताओं के पीछे गैर मुस्लिमो को दोष ( conspiracy theories ) देने की प्रवृति घातक . सारीदुनिया के मुस्लिमो में ये बीमारी व्याप्त है .
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मुस्लिम सोच , मुस्लिम पद्धतियाँ ही अच्छी शेष दुनिया जाहिल ' ऐसी आत्मश्लाघा से बाहर आएं मुस्लिम
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एक मिथ्याभ्रम (paranoia ) ने मुस्लिमो को घेर रखा है कि यदि सारे मुस्लिम एक हो जाए तो दुनिया को जीत सकते है .
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बुद्धिजीवी कहलाने वाले मुस्लिम इस  paranoia को बढ़ावा देते आये है।
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मुस्लिमो में आक्रामक आत्ममोह ( Aggressive Narcissism) है कि हमने हिन्दुओ को तहज़ीब  सिखाई अब पश्चिम को भी सिखायेंगे .
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अपने को मज़हबी और तहजीबी तौर पर सारी दुनिया से श्रेष्ठ समझने की मानसिकता है भारतीय प्रायद्वीप के मुस्लिमो में .
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भारत के मुस्लिमो में भी ये बीमारी आम है . वो भारत की प्रगति , ज्ञान और भारतीय समाज के साथ एकरस नहीं हो रहे है . जो शामिल हुए थे वो भी आहिस्ता - आहिस्ता हट रहे हैं .
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भारत के मुस्लिमो में रिवाज़ है कि अपने 5 - 7  साल के छोटे - छोटे बच्चों को मस्जिद के बाहर हरी पगड़ी लगाकर खडा कर देते हैं और उन्हें कहते है कि खिलाफत के नारे लगाओ।ये वो ही Narcissism है .
- Arab Spring के सन्दर्भ में - अरब जगत Aggressive Narcissism के अगले चरण में प्रवेश कर रहा है , वो है paranoia . paranoia ये है कि  आप हर तरफ साज़िश देखते है , फिर violent होते हैं फिर उससे लड़ते हैं .
अरब तानाशाहों के विरुद्ध जो जन लहर उठी है वो अल क़ाइदा और तालिबान जैसे संगठनो ने शुरू की थी ,लेकिन इस लहर को cash करने के लिए अमेरिका और यूरोपीय देशों ने इसे अपना सहयोग - समर्थन दिया है , वो सोचते हैं कि इन तानाशाहों को हटाकर हम अल क़ाइदा जैसों को सत्ता में नहीं आने देंगे बल्कि मुस्लिम लोकतंत्र लाएंगे . ये उनका बहुत बड़ा वहम है . मुस्लिमों को लोकतंत्र की ओर नहीं लाया जा सकता जब तक कि मुस्लिम मानसिकता को ही परिवर्तित ना किया जाए .
- लोकतंत्र एक प्रक्रिया ( process)  है ,जो वैचारिक परिवर्तन से  आती है . पूरा रवैया बदलता है तो लोकतंत्र आता है . 
-अभी तो मुस्लिम जगत में लोकतंत्र संभव नहीं दिखता .

-youtube 
पर देखें -
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WxBfcusJRP0&feature=youtube_gdata_player

Tuesday, May 14, 2013

Congress rule spawned crony socialism, began loot of country


Fundamental questions have failed to be asked so we have not noticed that most corruption in India is not because of crony capitalism but because of crony socialism.
By Tavleen Singh on May 12, 2013

Summer has come to Delhi this year with so much heat generated by charges of corruption against Ministers of the Government of India that the weather has taken a backseat to the political heat. Hardly a day seems to go by when some new scam does not fall out of the dusty cabinets of some Ministry. So we had barely stopped reeling from the shock of the Law Minister being charged with conspiring with his top law officers to fool the Supreme Court than news came of the Railway Minister’s nephew’s arrest for trying to sell high positions in his uncle’s Ministry at high prices. And, when this comes in addition to scandals that involved high officials in the air force accepting bribes to buy Italian helicopters and the soot that continues to fill the air from Coalgate it begins to seem as if the 2G scam was merely the tiniest tip on the tip of a mountain of rotten deals.
There has been much informed commentary in the newspapers and on television about why this is happening on such a ‘massive scale’. Political pundits in Delhi are traditionally Leftist and see the world only through a single, unchanging prism. In the years that I have covered politics and governance in this city, I have not seen this leftist worldview change even when the end of the cold war caused the collapse of the Soviet Union and brought a total turnaround in the economic policies of eastern Europe. Not even when China made dramatic economic changes and allowed foreign investment and free market economics did the political pundits of Delhi change.
And, ever since NGO’s gained a foothold in Delhi through the National Advisory Council and Anna Hazare’s movement brought more Leftist NGOs to the fore, the Leftist influence on policy-making has increased so much that all the voices that rise above the din of new scandals have a loud Leftist ring in them.
So the term ‘crony capitalism’ is tossed around a lot and there is much passionate denunciation of supposedly crooked businessmen who are ‘looting’ resources that belong to the people of India. This idea is based on the assumption that the resources of the people of India were safe as long as they were in the hands of officials and politicians so nobody has bothered to analyse why vast gas fields remained untapped for decades and why our vast coal reserves were so badly used that we import coal. Fundamental questions have failed to be asked so we have not noticed that most corruption in India is not because of crony capitalism but because of crony socialism.
Let me explain. In the days of the license raj politicians, bureaucrats and even lowly clerks made money by blocking projects from going ahead unless their palms were suitably greased. So if a businessman wanted to set up a scooter factory he first paid money to get a license, then he paid money to make enough scooters to make a profit and before getting to this stage he greased palms all the way down the line to keep files from getting stuck. I have personally seen famous industrialists waiting in smelly corridors outside some Ministerial office simply because they did not pay enough to the clerks in the Minister’s anteroom.
Once the license raj ended, the importance of officials in Delhi got reduced but only until they saw how much money was being generated in the private sector and how many new billionaires were created by the new liberalised policies. This is when they decided that they should also get a piece of the action and since the red tape and convoluted rules of socialist times remained mostly intact, it became quite easy for them to do this.
Clever Ministers have made their money cleverly and not so clever ones, like A Raja, got caught. But, as becomes increasingly clear with every new scam, what he was doing was really not very different to what other Ministers have always done. On account of decades of socialism, the discretionary powers that Ministers have are immense and so, for instance, it is entirely in the hands of the Railway Minister to hand out lucrative contracts to his family and friends and something of this kind happens across the board in Ministries in which large Government contracts are routinely handed out.
The money being made is beyond belief. My businessmen friends estimate that what they make after a lifetime of hard work can be made by a clever minister in a single year in high office. This is because crony socialism continues to leave in the hands of Ministers more powers to dispense favours and contracts than they would have if we had moved to a truly free market economy.
Not long ago, when the latest spate of corruption scandals hit the Government, I noticed a small news item in one of the Delhi newspapers that said Sonia Gandhi had asked Ministers to ‘voluntarily give up their discretionary powers’. Had she been more serious about this, she would have asked the Prime Minister to take charge of forcing them to do this.
Two examples. If A Raja did not have the power to hand out telecom licenses to his friends and if this was a decision that had to be scrutinised by a high-level Ministerial committee, there may not have been a 2G scandal. And, if when coal blocks were being allocated to private investors, the Coal Minister’s decisions had been properly scrutinised, there may not have been a Coalgate. It is actually a great shame that there was a scandal involving private sector investment in the mining of coal because private investment is badly needed.
Those who now condemn corruption involving the private sector should keep in mind that the real looting of the people’s resources has happened under state control of the economy. There are gas fields that remain unexploited so gas fires burn unstoppably and coal fields in which some of the finest coal is being destroyed by fires that the public sector does not have the technology to put out. One day we must hope that somebody analyses without prejudice the damage done to India by socialism and its new incarnation in the form of crony socialism. Crony capitalism is what happened in China and the former Soviet Union in which officials and their families became the new billionaires. So in India we could be lucky to have only crony socialism.

Sunday, May 12, 2013

Result of karnataka Assembly election.


कर्नाटक विधानसभा चुनाव का परिणाम


कर्नाटक विधानसभा का पंचवार्षिक चुनाव ५ मई को हुआ. ८ मई को उसका परिणाम घोषित हुआ. वह कुछ अनपेक्षित है. इसलिए नहीं की भाजपा की हार हुई. वह तो अपेक्षित ही थी. लेकिन पार्टी कम से कम ६० सिटें जीत पाएगी, ऐसा मुझे लगता था. और किसी भी पाटीं को स्पष्ट बहुमत नहीं मिलेगा, त्रिशंकू विधानसभा अस्तित्व में आएगी, ऐसा मेरा अनुमान था. मेरे यह दोनों अनुमान गलत साबित हुए.

पराभव की मीमांसा
येदीयुरप्पा को भाजपा से हकालने के बाद और उन्होंने अपनी अलग पाटीं बनाने के बाद, भाजपा के समर्थकों में फूट पडेगी यह तो स्पष्ट था. २००८ में ११० सिटें जितनेवाली भाजपा से फूटकर दो पार्टियाँ बनी. एक येदीयुरप्पा की ‘कर्नाटक जनता पार्टी’ (कजपा) और दूसरी रेड्डी ब्रदर्स के प्रभावक्षेत्र में निर्माण हुई ‘बीएसआर काँग्रेस पाटीं’ (बीकाँपा). इन दोनों पार्टियों ने अपने लिए अधिक सिटें तो नहीं जीती. लेकिन भाजपा को बहुत हानि पहुँचाई. पहले मुंबई क्षेत्र का हिस्सा रहे उत्तर कर्नाटक में सन् २००८ में भाजपा को ३३ सिंटें मिली थी. इस बार वह १३ पर ही लटक गई. इस क्षेत्र में लिंगायत समाज की जनसंख्या करीब एक तिहाई है. येदीयुरप्पा की कजपा यहाँ केवल २ सिटें जीत पाई. लेकिन उसने भाजपा को २० सिटों की हानि पहुँचाई. इस क्षेत्र में पिछली बार काँग्रेस केवल १२ सिटें जीत पाई थी. अबकी बार यह आँकड़ा ३१ तक जा पहुँचा. हैद्राबाद रियासत का जो हिस्सा कर्नाटक में शामिल हुआ है, उस क्षेत्र में भी भाजपा को ऐसा ही झटका लगा. यहाँ २००८ में भाजपा ने १९ सिटें जीती थी. २०१३ में उसे केवल ४ सिटें मिली, तो काँग्रेस १७ से २० पर पहुँची. बीकाँपा एक भी सीट नहीं जीत पाई. भाजपा की इस हार के लिए येदीयुरप्पा ही जिम्मेदार है, इसमें कोई संदेह नहीं. समुद्र के किनारे का मंगलोर क्षेत्र भाजपा का गढ़ था. लेकिन वहाँ भी भाजपा २००८ की स्थिति कायम नहीं रख पाई. किनारे से सटे प्रदेश में भाजपा ने २००८ में १५ सिटें जीती थी. इस बार वह आँकड़ा ४ तक नीचे आया. कर्नाटक में मुसलमानों की संख्या करीब १३ प्रतिशत है. उसमें के सबसे अधिक इस समुद्र किनारे के क्षेत्र में है. उन्होंने एकजूट काँग्रेस को मतदान किया; और २००८ में ७  सिटें जीतने वाली काँग्रेस ने इस बार यहाँ १२ सिटें जीती. 

लक्षणीय जीत
काँग्रेस की जीत सही में लक्षणीय है. मेरा अनुमान था कि, उसे १०० के करीब सिटें मिलेगी, विधानसभा त्रिशंकू होगी और काँग्रेस किसी पाटीं को साथ लेकर सत्ता हासिल कर पाएगी. लेकिन मेरा अनुमान गलत हुआ. २२४ सदस्यों की विधानसभा में काँग्रेसने १२१ सिटें जीती है. चुनाव २२३ सिटों के लिए ही हुआ था. भाजपा के एक उम्मीदवार की प्रचार की कालावधि में मृत्यु होने के कारण, वहाँ चुनाव स्थगित हुआ है. २२३ में से १२१ सिटें जीतना तो सराहनीय ही माना जाएगा. काँग्रेस ने यह सफलता हासिल की है, इसके लिए उन्हें बधाई. २००८ में काँग्रेस को ८० सिटें मिली थी. अब उस पार्टी को देड गुना से अधिक सिटें मिली है. कर्नाटक की जनता का भी अभिनंदन करना चाहिए. लोगों ने एक पार्टी स्पष्ट बहुमत देकर, किसी सहयोगी पार्टी के दबाव में न झुकने और ऐसा बहाना खोजने का अवसर न देते हुए स्वतंत्र रूप से राज्य का कारोबार चलाने का मौका काँग्रेस को अर्पण किया है. किसी भी प्रादेशिक पाटीं की अपेक्षा अखिल भारतीय स्तर की पार्टी, राज्य में सत्तारूढ होना, देश की एकात्मता के लिए उपयुक्त होता है. तामिलनाडु या पश्‍चिम बंगाल को देखें. वहाँ की सरकारों का बर्ताव ऐसा होता है कि, मानों उनकी अलग परराष्ट्र नीति है. उनकी योग्यायोग्यता का मुद्दा मुझे उपस्थित नहीं करना है. शायद उनकी नीति योग्य ही होगी. मुझे तो इतना ही अधोरेखित करना है कि, श्रीलंका और बांगला देश के बारे में उन राज्यों की सरकार का दृष्टिकोण केन्द्र सरकार के दृष्टिकोण से भिन्न है और उस दृष्टिकोण पर वे सरकारे दृढ है. 

काँग्रेस का चरित्र
काँग्रेस के बडे बडे नेता अपने पार्टी के इस अनेपक्षित जीत का सेहरा राहुल गांधी के सिर पर बांधना चाहते है, यह उनके स्वभावधर्म के अनुरूप ही है. व्यक्तिपूजा और परिवारवाद काँग्रेस के चरित्र का अभिन्न हिस्सा बन गए है. लेकिन सोनिया गांधी ने इस जीत का श्रेय सब के प्रयत्नों को दिया है. राहुल गांधी के नाम से काँग्रेस के नेता ढोल पीटे, इसके लिए अन्य किसी ने आक्षेप लेने का वैसे तो कारण नहीं. लेकिन, गुजरात, बिहार और उत्तर प्रदेश में भी राहुल गांधी ने प्रचार किया था, वहाँ क्यों काँग्रेस ने धूल चाटी? उस समय हार की जिम्मेदारी पार्टी पर डाली गई थी. मतलब जीते तो राहुलजी के कारण और हारे, तो पार्टी संगठन के कारण, ऐसा काँग्रेस का अजीब तर्कशास्त्र है. वास्तव में काँग्रेस ने अपनी जीत का कुछ श्रेय तो येदीयुरप्पा को देना ही चाहिए और उन्हें धन्यवाद भी देना चाहिए. भाजपा की इस निराशाजनक हार और परिणामत: काँग्रेस की भारी जीत में येदीयुरप्पा की भूमिका सर्वाधिक महत्त्व की रही है. (दिनांक ९ मई के ‘इंडियन एक्सप्रेस’ की नागपुर आवृत्ति में पृष्ठ ९ पर, कर्नाटक के चुनाव परिणाम पर मेरी प्रतिक्रिया प्रकाशित हुई है. उसमें, मैंने भाजपा की स्थिति ''disgusting'' कहने का वृत्त प्रकाशित हुआ है. उन्होंने मेरी टिप्पणी कहाँ से ली इसकी मुझे जानकारी नहीं है. शायद टी. व्ही. के चॅनेल से ली होगी. उन चॅनेल के प्रतिनिधियों के साथ मेरी मुलाकात मराठी और हिंदी में हुई थी. मैंने भाजपा की हार के लिए  ‘निराशाजनक’ विशेषण का प्रयोग किया था. ‘निराशाजनक’ का अनुवाद ''disgusting'' होगा? वस्तुत: उसका अनुवाद  ''disappointing'' ऐसा होना चाहिए. इस बारे में मैं उन्हें पत्र भेज रहा हूँ.)

मतों का प्रतिशत
२००८ के चुनाव में भाजपा को ३४ प्रतिशत मत मिले थे. भाजपा को मिले मतों का प्रतिशत उस समय काँग्रेस से कुछ कम था. लेकिन सिटें काँग्रेस से अधिक मिली थी. एक सूत्र ने बताया कि अब काँग्रेस को ४२ प्रतिशत मत मिले है. मैंने इस बारे में अधिक जाँच की तो पता चला कि, इस बार काँग्रेस के मतों के प्रतिशत में केवल ३ प्रतिशत की वृद्धि होकर वह ३७ प्रतिशत हो गए. लेकिन भाजपा के मतों का प्रतिशत करीब १३ से घटा है. इसके लिए येदीयुरप्पा की ‘कजपा’ कारण है, इस बारे में संदेह नहीं. काँग्रेस के मताधिक्य में मुस्लिम मतों का आँकड़ा बहुत बड़ा है. पहले बताया ही है कि, कर्नाटक में मुसलमानों की संख्या १३ प्रतिशत है. वह समाज इस बार ताकत के साथ काँग्रेस के समर्थन में खडा हुआ. मंगलोर क्षेत्र की जानकारी रखने वाले व्यक्ति ने मुझे बताया कि, उस क्षेत्र के मुसलमानों ने पूरी तरह से एकजूट होकर काँग्रेस को मतदान किया. इस कारण भाजपा का वह गढ़ दुर्बल सिद्ध हुआ. हो सकता है की, पूरे कर्नाटक में भी ऐसा ही हुआ होगा.  

संदेह की गुंजाइश
गुजरात के मुख्यमंत्री नरेन्द्रभाई मोदी कर्नाटक में प्रचारार्थ गये थे. चालाक काँग्रेस ने मोदी को सामने कर मुस्लिम समुदाय में भयगंड निर्माण करने की संभावना नकारी नहीं जा सकती. मानों राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर मोदी भाजपा के अधिकृत भावी प्रधानमंत्री पद के उम्मीदवार है, ऐसा चित्र टी. व्ही के कुछ चॅनेल निर्माण करते है. भाजपा ने ऐसा कहा नहीं. सही समय पर हम हमारा उम्मीदवार घोषित करेंगे ऐसी उस पार्टी की भूमिका है और वह योग्य भी है. लेकिन कुछ टी. व्ही. चॅनेल ऐसा वातावरण निर्माण कर रहे है कि, मोदी ही भाजपा के प्रधानमंत्री पद के उम्मीदवार है. फिर संदेह निर्माण होता है कि, इस प्रचार के पीछे काँग्रेस की चाल तो नहीं है? मुस्लिम समाज के गठ्ठा मत हमें ही मिले, वह सपा, बसपा, वामपंथीयों के हिस्से में न जाए, यह दाव तो इसके पीछे नहीं होगा? मतों के लिए काँग्रेस और तथाकथित सेक्युलर मीडिया के बीच कोई साठ-गाँठ तो नहीं? राहुल गांधी और नरेन्द्रभाई मोदी की तुलना भी प्रसारमाध्यमों ने शुरु की है. क्यों? राहुल गांधी जैसे काँग्रेस के भावी अलिखित उम्मीदवार हे, क्या वैसे मोदी है?फिर दोनों के बीच तुलना का क्या प्रयोजन?

लोकसभा चुनाव पर परिणाम
इस चुनाव में भाजपा की हार हुई, इस कारण कर्नाटक में वह पार्टी समाप्त ही हो गई ऐसा मानने का कोई कारण नहीं. येदीयुरप्पा को फिर पार्टी में लाए, ऐसा कुछ लोगों का मत दिखता है. लेकिन वह भाजपा के हित में नहीं होगा. पार्टी का संगठन पुन: सही तरीके से खडा करने, सब जनसमूहों को साथ लेकर जाने और भ्रष्टाचारियों को हमारी पार्टी में कोई स्थान नहीं, यह दृढता के साथ बताने और उसके अनुसार पुन: पार्टी के संगठन की रचना करने का अवसर भाजपा को इस चुनाव ने दिया है. टी. व्ही. चॅनेल के कुछ प्रतिनिधि मुझसे मिलने आये थे. उनका प्रश्‍न था कि, कर्नाटक के इस चुनाव का २०१४ के लोकसभा के चुनाव पर क्या परिणाम होगा? मैंने उत्तर दिया, कोई परिणाम नहीं होगा. आगामी नवंबर में दिल्ली, राजस्थान, मध्य प्रदेश, छत्तीसगढ़, आंध्र जैसे अनेक राज्यों में विधानसभा के चुनाव है. उन चुनाव परिणामों के बाद ही लोकसभा के चुनाव के बारे में कुछ कहा जा सकता है. काँग्रेस पर भ्रष्टाचार के गंभीर आरोप होते हुए भी, कर्नाटक में काँग्रेस जीती, इस ओर भी उन प्रतिनिधियों ने मेरा ध्यान आकृष्ट किया. मैंने कहा, केन्द्र में का भ्रष्टाचार यह कर्नाटक के चुनाव में मुद्दा ही नहीं था. काँग्रेस भी ऐसा मानने की भूल नहीं करेगी कि, कर्नाटक की जनता ने उन्हें भ्रष्टाचार के लिए जनादेश दिया है. सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने, कोयला घोटाला और सीबीआय की जाँच बारे में जो कोडे बरसाए है, उससे केवल सीबीआय की ही बदनामी नहीं हुई, तो काँग्रेस और केन्द्र सरकार की भी बदनामी हुई है. यह भ्रष्टाचार और स्वायत्त संस्थाओं के काम में अवैध घूसपैंठ करने का मुद्दा लोकसभा के चुनाव में महत्त्व का रहेगा. मेरी दृष्टि से कर्नाटक विधानसभा का चुनाव किसी एक राज्य के चुनाव के समान ही है. उसे अवास्तव अखिल भारतीय स्तर का महत्त्व देना मुझे उचित नहीं लगता.


- मा. गो. वैद्य

नागपुर

Saturday, May 4, 2013

Tibet : China's cunning policy.



A Tibetan Blogger Writes About “An
Unanswerable Question From My Native Land”

......If you stay quiet, not complain about the political system and not get involved, then you do not need to pay back the 50,000 RMB to the government. The government will also return the interest that you paid before for this loan and it will provide further money to win people’s hearts......
26/04/2013, 00:10
High Peaks Pure Earth has translated a blogpost by a Tibetan blogger that was written on March 3, 2013 and posted on their Sangdhor.com hosted blog on March 24, 2013.
The blogger recounts a trip back to their home village and gives an insight into the lives of the people there and the issues that are discussed during informal gatherings. The main topic of conversation amongst villagers is a government loan that can be paid back over three years. It is unclear to the blogger exactly what this loan is and what lies behind it. If these loans are related to the “Nomadic Settlement” project, as described in this academic paper, then it is not explicitly mentioned. However, the assertions seems to be that these loans are somehow linked to maintaining political stability in the area.
The “Nomadic Settlement” project in Qinghai province seems to be parallel to the “Comfortable Housing” project that started in the Tibet Autonomous Region in 2006. This New York Times article from 2010 states that government subsidies to build new homes, usually $1,500 per household, are not enough to cover costs and “families have generally had to take out multiple times that amount in interest-free three-year loans from state banks as well as private loans from relatives or friends.”

“An Unanswerable Question From My Native Land”


I spend most winters in Xining due to work reasons. I didn’t have the time to return to my home village. I had hoped that during the New Year I would be able to visit my relatives. I stopped my urgent work for a while and came back to my village. The children’s lifestyle and the beauty of my homeland made my half-month go by so quickly. However, I talked with my relatives about our life and read a few books whenever I could. At the same time, I asked about news from the village.
There are a number of things that happened during those days. One of the news that caused difficulty and was unclear to me was news of a state-level policy implemented in the village. Each Tibetan household has to take a loan of 50,000 RMB. Every three months, interest must be paid to the government. The people are saying the loan is for three years, if you can pay back the entire loan in three years, the interest collected every three months will be returned. It is tradition in the village over the New Year that the relatives invite each other for gatherings, this year, the same thing was done as in the past. For three days there were discussions of horse races and what position the horses came in. They are saying this year racehorses fetch between 300,000 and 400,000 RMB. The conversation lead to a discussion on the quality of modern cars, the young ones talked about brands and prices of trucks. Some youngsters sold their wife’s jewelry and farm animals to purchase a car.
There is another piece of news, about the implementation of the above-mentioned state policy. I listened very carefully. The older people said this is a crafty policy of China and there are no benefits in taking out the loan. Moreover, this is the start of selling the tradition, language and customs of one’s nationality.
Even one’s lamas and monks can be purchased by money. If within three years, other events happen, the 50,000 RMB will be used to prevent our village and people from getting involved in these events.
If you stay quiet, not complain about the political system and not get involved, then you do not need to pay back the 50,000 RMB to the government. The government will also return the interest that you paid before for this loan and it will provide further money to win people’s hearts.
For some households that purchased yaks and sheep with this 50,000 RMB loan, they were not able to make cash until the animals were fully grazed in the summer for sale. Even though they have not completed the three years loan term, they still have to return interest on time to the government. Otherwise they will be charged with additional interest. If they do not pay the interest after a few days of passing the deadline, they will be made to suffer with threats of imprisonment. Therefore, some people are saying that one should not accept this loan at all. I thought that this was a reasonable comment.
Some older people said that this might be a new nationwide policy. Generally, loans are not given to monks and old people over 60. But the new policy not only disqualifies the monks and people over 60 years, it also disqualifies people in their 40s and 50s. The loan is only for young couples who could prove and provide an affidavit for their household.
This is a strategy to oppose division amongst nationalities, political opposition, demonstrations and to create national security and happiness in the society.
If one faces genuine hardship, there is no problem in borrowing the loan (there are a number of different versions and speculations on this topic, however, I only focused on writing up a few lines based on my questions to people on this subject).
The talk turned to a subject which I cannot ignore. If within the next three years after taking the loan, all families in the village are able to make improvements, then it is good. But will this policy make improvements? If we don’t take the loan and continue taking care of animals, producing butter and barley to lead a farming, herding and township lifestyle, although this will not be a great leap forward in terms of development but still ….? Is the 50, 000 RMB loan initiative as bad as it is believed to be, a deceitful and cunning policy buying people’s hearts, ill-intentioned and damaging?
Although I am not sure, but if it is indeed true as some people mentioned above, then forget about development, even under life-and-death hardship one should not be deceived by this policy. We should not provide any assistance in accomplishing the goal of this cunning policy.
Please do not fool us by this temporary relief policy packaged with sweet words and sycophancy. Please do not lie. Do not treat us as stupid. Should we totally oppose this policy? Should we support this? Why and for whom? A lot of questions, that other people also might have come across, came to my head, as always…

Friday, May 3, 2013

A darkness unforgotten


As charred bodies lay in hundreds, it was the utter silence that was haunting
Rahul Bedi
April 25, 2009, Issue 16 Volume 6
http://tehelka.com/a-darkness-unforgotten/
 THE DENIAL of party election tickets to Congress leaders Jagdish Tytler and Sajjan Kumar is little recompense to the over 3,000 Sikhs who died in the pogrom following then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassination in October 1984. The wave of ethnic cleansing that raged unchecked for nearly three days across the country after Mrs Gandhi was shot dead by two of her Sikh bodyguards on the morning of October 31 ended in Delhi only with her funeral, the state’s crazed blood-lust satiated at last.
Whilst unbridled chaos and mayhem spread unchecked across the Capital, the casual slaughter of some 350 Sikhs, including women and children in the trans-Yamuna Trilokpuri resettlement colony, was without doubt the most brutal. The charred and hacked remains of the hundreds that perished in Trilokpuri’s Block 32 on a smoky and dank November 2 evening bore silent testimony to an unbelievable orgy of slaughter which, over two decades later, still haunts my memories. Time has not made them fade.
The massacre took place in two narrow alleyways not more than 150 yards long, with one-roomed tenements on either side. It lasted over 48 hours, with the murderers — who go unpunished to this day — even taking breaks for meals before returning to resume their mad slaughter.
Both lanes were littered with bodies with body parts and hair brutally hacked off, forcing people to walk on tiptoe. It was impossible to place one’s foot fully on the ground for one would step on either a hacked limb or a dead person.
The entire area was awash with blood, some liquid, some clotted. Blood-gorged flies buzzed lazily, sated. The blood did not flow down the drains, as they too were now choked with human body parts.
It all began on the morning of November 2 around 11.30 am when my colleague from Indian Express, Joseph Maliakan, and I heard of the Trilokpuri massacre — then ongoing — from Mohan Singh who had shaved his head and face only hours before to save himself and had fled, taking refuge in our office canteen. A dazed Singh, who had somehow managed to escape the pogrom under cover of darkness, blandly told us that 300 Sikhs had been killed in Trilokpuri’s Block 32. These houses, we learnt later, were occupied by poor, low-caste Sikhs who wove string beds.
Shortly after, along with Maliakan and Alok Tomar of Jansatta, I rushed to Trilokpuri and, on arrival at the re-settlement colony — which was established by Sanjay Gandhi during the Emergency in the mid-1970s — found the entrance blocked by massive concrete pipes, with lathiwielding men atop them.
At about 300 yards from Block 32, we found our path blocked by a huge mob. Before we could reach them, two policemen astride a motorcycle burst through the crowd, coming from the direction we were headed. We flagged the motorcycle to a halt and asked the head constable driving it whether any killings had taken place in Block 32.
Smiling sardonically he told us that “shanti” (peace) prevailed. On persistent questioning, he admitted that two people had been killed in Block 32. As we proceeded down the narrow road towards Block 32, our car was blocked by the mob. It turned nasty and began stoning us. A spokesman for the crowd, a short, vicious looking man dressed in a white kurta and pyjama, told us to leave or be prepared to “face the consequences”. Block 32 was out of bounds, he said flatly.
Hurriedly backing out under a barrage of rocks, we headed for the nearby Kalyanpuri police station and asked the duty officer whether any trouble had been reported from Trilokpuri’s Block 32. He too echoed what his motorcycleborne colleagues had said, that the area was calm, that shanti prevailed and that no deaths had been reported from the police station’s area of responsibility.
A truck parked nearby attracted our attention. On closer inspection we found three charred bodies in the back and a half-burnt Sikh youngster lying on top, still alive. In his quasiconscious state the man told us he was from Punjab and had come visiting relatives in Trilokpuri. He said that a few hours earlier, a rampaging mob armed with lathis and machetes had killed his hosts and set him on fire after dousing his body with kerosene. He had been brought to the police station, placed on top of the dead bodies, and had lain there for the past six hours. He died a horrible death soon after, we later learnt.
When the three bodies in the truck and the grievously burnt yet still living Sikh were pointed out to the station duty officer, he denied all knowledge of them, saying they would be dealt with by “Saheb”, the Station House Officer, who was “away in Delhi on routine business and would return later in the evening”.
Desperate to get help, we combed the area and were met by an army patrol commanded by a Sikh colonel, part of the detail summoned from Meerut to bolster civil authority who assured us that he would dispatch help to the beleaguered Block 32. We returned to Block 32 only to discover that no troops had arrived.
Later we came to know that though the army had officially been summoned a day after Mrs Gandhi’s killing to maintain order, it was merely token deployment as none of the units summoned from cantonments around the Capital were provided necessary help, guidance or logistical direction by the local authorities.
The army was not issued shoot-to-kill orders to quell the blood-thirsty mobs till after Mrs Gandhi’s funeral pyre was lit on November 3, despite claims to the contrary by officials, which were dutifully headlined by newspapers.
Once those orders were given, the army restored order within hours, although for many days there were cases we investigated which revealed that the local authorities had deliberately concealed reports of pockets of Sikh refugees still fighting for survival across many east Delhi neighbourhoods.
After pleading in vain with many military convoys to intercede and stop the Trilokpuri killings, we arrived at the Police Headquarters around 5 pm and informed Additional Commissioner of Police Nikhil Kumar (who later retired as head of the National Security Guard) of the goings-on in the east Delhi colony.
To our chagrin and amazement, he asserted that he was a “mere guest artist” at Police Headquarters and only tasked with manning Commissioner SC Tandon’s telephone line. All our pleadings to Kumar — now an MP from Bihar — to do something about the Trilokpuri killings were insouciantly brushed off. Other senior police officers including those in charge of the Trilokpuri district also expressed indifference and their inability to help.
On returning to Trilokpuri an hour later in the darkness we found the local Station House Officer and two constables surveying the sea of dead Sikh bodies, surrounded by thousands of people.
The most frightening part, the part that still sends a chill up my spine after 25 years, was the pall of utter silence that shrouded the area.
In darkness, a three-year-old girl, stepping over the bodies of her father and three brothers, said quietly, ‘Please take me home’
NOT A sound emanated from anyone as, by the light of a few hurricane lanterns, we walked dazed and wordlessly down the alleyway littered with bodies. Halfway down was a young polio-afflicted woman holding a child in dumb silence, all emotion drained from her. Her blank, uncomprehending eyes looked at us sightlessly in what we took to be a plea for help. Quietly, we lifted her and the child and handed them over to the police party, never to see them again.
A faint whimper from inside the same house led us to a young Sikh whose stomach had been slashed open two days earlier. He had managed somehow to tie a turban around his gaping wound, crawl under a pile of bodies and survive. All that the handsome scooter rickshaw driver wanted was water. He died hours later before he could reach a hospital.
A three-year old girl, stepping over the bodies of her father and three brothers amid countless others lying in the street clung helplessly to one of us, pleading for help. “Please take me home,” she quietly said, standing knee-deep in corpses in what was the only room of her house.
Police arrived in force more than 24 hours after the Trilokpuri massacre was revealed by the Indian Express on November 3, the day of Mrs Gandhi’s funeral.
By the time they got there, there was nothing to protect. And no one.
In the 25 years since then, we eyewitnesses deposed before innumerable inquiry commissions, culminating with the one headed by Justice Nanavati. However, not one of those really guilty ever ended up being punished for the state-sanctioned pogrom of 1984.