Why the communal violence bill is flawed

Why the communal violence bill is flawed

Arun Jaitley:

May 26, 2011

In the aftermath of the Gujarat communal violence in 2002, there was a clamour from intellectuals, academics, social activists and many civic groups for a separate law to deal with communal violence. The result of a sustained campaign is the proposed 'Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, 2011'

BJP leader Arun Jaitley argues that it is a dangerous and discriminatory bill which presumes that the majority community is always to blame for communal violence

A draft of a proposed legislation titled "Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, 2011" has been put in public domain. The draft bill ostensibly appears to be a part of an endeavour to prevent and punish communal violence in the country.

Though that may be the ostensible object of the proposed law its real object is to the contrary. It is a bill which if it is ever enacted as a law will intrude into the domain of the state, damage a federal polity of India and create an imbalance in the inter-community relationship of India.

What does the bill in effect state

The most vital definition of the bill is of the expression 'group'. A 'group' means a religious or linguistic minority and in a given state may include the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The bill creates a whole set of new offences in Chapter II. Clause 6 clarifies that the offences under this bill are in addition to the offences under the SC & ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. Can a person be punished twice for the same offence?

Clause 7 prescribes that a person is said to commit sexual assault if he or she commits any of the sexual act against a person belonging to a 'group' by virtue of that person's membership of a group. Clause 8 prescribes that 'hate propaganda' is an offence when a person by words oral or written or a visible representation causes hate against a 'group' or a person belonging to a 'group'.

Clause 9 creates an offence for communal and targeted violence. Any person who singly or jointly or acting under the influence of an association engages in unlawful activity directed against a 'group' is guilty of organised communal and targeted violence.

Clause 10 provides for punishment of a person who expends or supplies money in the furtherance or support of an offence against a 'group'. The offence of torture is made out under clause 12 where a public servant inflicts pain or a suffering, mental or physical, on a person belonging to a 'group'.

Clause 13 punishes a public servant for dereliction of duty in relation to offences mentioned in this bill. Clause 14 punishes public servants who control the armed forces or security forces and fails to exercise control over people in his command in order to discharge their duty effectively.

Clause 15 expands the principle of vicarious liability. An offence is deemed to be committed by a senior person or office bearer of an association and he fails to exercise control over subordinates under his control or supervision. He is vicariously liable for an offence which is committed by some other person. Clause 16 renders orders of superiors as no defence for an alleged offence committed under this section.

Any communal trouble during which offences are committed is a law and order problem. Dealing with the law and order is squarely within the domain of the state governments. In the division of powers between the Centre and the states, the central government has no direct authority to deal with the law and order issues; nor is it directly empowered to deal with them nor it can legislate on the subject. The central government's jurisdiction restricts itself to issue advisories, directions and eventually forming an opinion under Article 356 that the governance of the state can be carried on in accordance with the Constitution or not.

If the proposed bill becomes a law, then effectively it is the central government which would have usurped the jurisdiction of the states and legislated on a subject squarely within the domain of the states.

India has been gradually moving towards a more amicable inter-community relationship. Even when minor communal or caste disturbances occur, there is a national mood of revulsion against them. The governments, media, the courts among other institutions rise to perform their duty. The perpetrators of communal trouble should certainly be punished.

This draft bill however proceeds on a presumption that communal trouble is created only by members of the majority community and never by a member of the minority community. Thus, offences committed by members of the majority community against members of the minority community are punishable. Identical offences committed by minority groups against the majority are not deemed to be offences at all.

Thus a sexual assault is punishable under this bill and only if committed against a person belonging to a minority 'group'. A member of a majority community in a state does not fall within the purview of a 'group'. A 'hate propaganda' is an offence against minority community and not otherwise. Organised and targeted violence, hate propaganda, financial help to such persons who commit an offence, torture or dereliction of duty by public servants are all offences only if committed against a member of the minority community and not otherwise.

No member of the majority community can ever be a victim. This draft law thus proceeds on an assumption which re-defines the offences in a highly discriminatory manner. No member of the minority community are to be punished under this act for having committed the offence against the majority community.

It is only a member of the majority community who is prone to commit such offences and therefore the legislative intent of this law is that since only majority community members commit these offences, culpability and punishment should only be confined to them.

If implemented in a manner as provided by this bill, it opens up a huge scope for abuse. It can incentivise members of some communities to commit such offences encouraged by the fact that they would never be charged under the act.

Terrorist groups may no longer indulge in terrorist violence. They will be incentivised to create communal riots due to a statutory assumption that members of a jihadi group will not be punished under this law. The law makes only members of the majority community culpable. Why should the law discriminate on the basis of a religion or caste?

An offence is an offence irrespective of origin of the offender. Here is a proposed law being legislated in the 21st century where caste and religion of an offender wipe out the culpability under this law.

Who will ensure implementation of this act

The bill provides for a seven-member national authority for communal harmony, justice and reparations. Of these seven members at least four of them including the chairman and vice-chairman shall only belong to a 'group' (the minority community). A similar body is intended to be created in the states. Membership of this body thus shall be on religious and caste grounds. The offenders under this law are only the members of the majority community.

The enforcement of the act will be done by a body where statutorily the members of the majority community will be in a minority. The governments will have to make available police and other investigative agencies to this authority. This authority shall have a power to conduct investigations and enter buildings, conduct raids and searches to make inquiries into complaints and to initiate steps, record proceedings for prosecution and make its recommendations to the governments.

It shall have powers to deal with the armed forces. It has a power to send advisories to the central and state governments. Members of this authority shall be appointed in the case of central government by a collegium which shall comprise of prime minister, the home minister, and the leader of the opposition in the house of people and a leader of each recognised political party. A similar provision is created in relation to the states. Thus, it is the opposition at the Centre and the states which will have a majority say in the composition of the authority.

What are the procedures to be followed

The procedures to be followed for investigations under this act are extraordinary. No statement shall be recorded under section 161 of the CrPC. Victim statements shall be only under section 164 (before courts). The government will have a power to intercept and block messages and telecommunications under this law. Under clause 74 of the bill if an offence of hate propaganda is alleged against a person, a presumption of guilt shall exist unless the offender proves to the contrary. An allegation thus is equivalent to proof. Public servants under this bill under clause 67 are liable to be proceeded against without any sanction from the state.

The special public prosecutor to conduct proceedings under this act shall not act in aid of truth but 'in the interest of the victim'. The name and identity of the victim complainant will not be disclosed. Progress of the case will be reported by the police to the victim complainant. The occurrence of organised communal and targeted violence under this act shall amount to an internal disturbance in a state within the meaning of Article 355 entitling the central government to impose President's Rule.

The drafting of this bill appears to be a handiwork of those social entrepreneurs who have learnt from the Gujarat experience of how to fix senior leaders even when they are not liable for an offence.

Offences which are defined under the bill have been deliberately left vague. Communal and targeted violence means violence which destroys the 'secular fabric of the nation'. There can be legitimate political differences as to what constitutes secularism. The phrase secularism can be construed differently by different persons. Which definition is the judge supposed to follow? Similarly, the creation of a hostile 'environment' may leave enough scope for a subjective decision as to what constitutes 'a hostile environment'.

The inevitable consequences of such a law would be that in the event of any communal trouble the majority community would be assumed to be guilty. There would be a presumption of guilt unless otherwise proved. Only a member of the majority shall be held culpable under this law.

A member of the minority shall never commit an offence of hate propaganda or a communal violence. There is a virtual statutory declaration of innocence under this law for him.

The statutory authority prescribed at the central and state level would intrinsically suffer from an institutional bias because of its membership structure based on caste and community.

I have no doubt that once this law is implemented with the intention with which it is being drafted, it will create disharmony in the inter-community relations in India. It is a law fraught with dangerous consequences. It is bound to be misused. Perhaps, that appears to be the real purpose behind its drafting. It will encourage minority communalism. The law defies the basic principles of equality and fairness.

Social entrepreneurs in the National Advisory Council can be expected to draft such a dangerous and discriminatory law. One wonders how the political head of that body cleared this draft. When some persons carried on a campaign against the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act -- an anti-terrorist law, the members of the UPA argued that even terrorists should be tried under the normal laws. A far more draconian law is now being proposed.

The states will be watching hopelessly when the Centre goes ahead with this misadventure. Their power is being usurped. The search for communal harmony is through fairness -- not through reverse discrimination.

http://www.rediff.com/news/column/arun-jaitley-why-the-communal-violence-bill-is-flawed/20110526.htm

Fwd: आर एस एस को बाहर से समझना बहुत कठिन है

आर एस एस को बाहर से समझना बहुत कठिन है मेरे मित्रों ! आपको निमंत्रण है ''राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ'' में शामिल होने के लिए ! हमारे साथ आईये ! हमारे संगठन का अध्ययन करिए ! जब पूरी जानकारी हो जाय आर एस एस के अंदरुनी ढांचे का तब विचार करिए की आर एस एस ठीक है या फिर गलत है ! अगर आपको ठीक न लगे तो छोड़ कर चले जाईये ! और फिर बढियां से बढ़ी हुई अधिक जानकारी के साथ हमारी आलोचना करिए ! तब यह आलोचना अकेडमिक लगेगी ! अभी आप लोग जब आलोचना करते है तब आपके शब्दों से कुछ ऐसा लगता है कि आर एस एस के बारे में आप कम जानकारी रखते हैं ! हमारा संगठन हरेक राष्ट्रवादी के लिए खुला हुआ है सदैव ! आप कभी भी आ सकते हैं और कभी भी छोड़ कर जा सकते हैं ! देखिये आपको एक श्लोक सुनाता हूँ ! हमरे सभी बंधु-भगिनी ध्यान से पढ़िए इसको :- गगनम गगनाकारम सागरम सागरोपमः ! राम रावणयोरयुद्धम राम रावणयोरिव !! अर्थात १. आकाश कि कोई उपमा नहीं है अखिल विश्व में ! आकाश के जैसा कोई दूसरी वस्तु है ही नहीं इस जगत में इसीलिए आसमान आसमान के जैसा ही है ! २. समुद्र भी अपने आप में एक अलग प्रकार कि रचना है ! कोई भी दूसरा जल पिंड सागर कि बराबरी नहीं कर सकता ! इसीलिए सागर सागर के जैसा ही है ! ३. और भगवान श्रीराम और लंकेश रावण का जो युद्ध हुआ वह अपने आप में अनूठा था ! उस प्रकार के अस्त्र-शास्त्रों का प्रयोग कभी नहीं हुआ अभी तक दुबारा विश्व इतिहास में ! इस युद्ध की कोई उपमा और कोई समान उदाहरण देना असंभव है ! इसीलिए राम-रावण का युद्ध राम रावण के युद्ध जैसा ही है ! ठीक इसी प्रकार ''राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ'' भी है ! चुकि संघ के जैसा दूसरा कोई संगठन नहीं है अखिल विश्व में इसीलिए आप दूसरे संगठनों के साथ इसकी तुलना करके कोई बात कहें तो शायद वो निर्परिप्रेक्ष्य हो जायेगा ! कुछ इसी तरह की बात हमारी भारत माता के बारे में भी है ! और भारत के परिवार व्यवस्था के बारे में भी ! चुकि यह आर एस एस परिवार भाव पर आधारित संगठन है इसीलिए यहाँ चुनाव जैसे विषय अप्रासंगिक हो जाते हैं ! ध्याताब्य है कि हमारे परिवारों में परिवार का मुखिया चुनने के लिए कोई चुनाव नहीं हुआ करता है ! हमारे घरों में जो घर की हरेक बात को अधिक कुशलता से सम्हाल सकता है उसको ही आम तौर पर परिवार का मुखिया बना दिया जाता है ! इसी प्रकार से संघ को हम एक बृहत् परिवार मानते हैं ! हम हमारे ऋषियों का आदेश-- ''वसुधैव कुटुम्बकम'' (अर्थात पूरा विश्व ही एक परिवार है ऐसा हमें मानना चाहिए) का पालन करते हुए यह निश्चित किया है कि सबसे पहले इस भारत देश को तो एक परिवार बना दें ! और ऐसा करने के निमित हमने एक परिवार भाव के साथ सगठन का ताना-बना बुना है ! हम पुजनिये सर संघचालक जी को संगठन का अध्यक्ष नहीं इस बड़े परिवार का मुखिय मानते हैं ! इसलिए परिवार परंपरा का निर्वाह करते हुए हम चुनाव नहीं करते बहुमत से ! हम हरेक काम, हरेक निर्णय सर्व सहमती से करते हैं ! यहाँ फैसले बहुमत के आधार पर नहीं सर्वमत के आधार पर लिया जाता है ! कोई एक भी व्यक्ति तर्कपूर्ण विरोध कर दे तो वह निर्णय निरस्त कर दिया जाता है ! ऐसा लोकतंत्र दुनिया में आपको कही भी नहीं मिलेगा शायद जहाँ हरेक की भावनाओं का, हरेक की मेधा और योग्यता का ख्याल रखा जाता है ! किसी को भी नकारने की परंपरा नहीं है हमारे इस बृहत् परिवार में !

Govt shouldn't have snapped dialogue with Baba, says RSS chief

Jun 7, 2011,

NAGPUR: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat on Monday condemned the midnight attack by government agencies on the peacefully assembled protesters demanding end to corruption and bringing back of black money stashed abroad. "This is not done in a democracy. People had gathered there on their own to support a social cause. Baba Ramdev was only leading them and voicing peoples' concerns.

"The agitation was non-political and it did not target any party or individuals. The government should not have humiliated the yoga guru and beaten up women and children. Many said the incident was reminiscent of Jallianwala Bagh and the Emergency. Jab rakshak, bhakshak ban jai … (the protector turns into a tormentor)," said the Sarsnanghachalak.

He was addressing a massive gathering at the Reshimbagh grounds at the valedictory function of the 3rd year course of the RSS. Kanchi-Kamakoti Shankaracharya Jayendra Saraswati presided and Ganga Raju, a businessman and VHP functionary from Andhra Pradesh, was the chief guest.

Bhagwat said the RSS had in its 'pratinidhi sabha' held at Puttur in March resolved to support the agitation of Anna Hazare and similar agitations aimed at eradicating corruption. "So, swayamsevaks did support Baba Ramdev's agitation. Not that the RSS expects quick solutions to the complex social problems the nation faces through such agitations. But we know that at least they are leading on the right path. Neither Anna, a social reformer, nor Baba Ramdev, a spiritual guru with vast following, had any personal motives in leading the agitations. They were only voicing concerns of the people, the RSS chief said.

"Moreover, by disrupting Baba's agitation, the government has snapped the channel of communication it had established with him. Even the government said it was in agreement with the issues raised by Ramdev. The differences were only on how to implement policies to check corruption and bring back the black money. A government is for the people, not for personal gains of some individuals in high positions or those having strong political connections. So such a harsh action on Baba Ramdev and his followers was simply unwarranted," stressed Bhagwat.

In a significant remark, Bhagwat also said just a fresh set of laws and policies were not enough, the society and every individual should change. In this social change, moral values and ethics are crucial. "The Sangh, in fact, is deeply involved in this exercise of building people with good character and nationalistic fervour to safeguard people's interests," said the RSS chief.

Bhagwat also raised the issue of a draft of the anti-communal bill prepared by the National Advisory Council (NAC) of the UPA government. Wondering who gave the NAC authority to draft a proposed law, he alleged that the Bill was aimed at pitting one community against another and keep the communal pot boiling. He also said the Bill was detrimental to the interests of Hindus.

The Kanchi seer Jayendra Saraswati hailed the efforts of the RSS in building cadres wedded to the cause of Hinduism. Raju expressed concern over rampant conversion activity by missionaries in Andhra Pradesh and said the RSS should spread its activities in every village of the southern state. "The Tirupati temple generates Rs 1,000 crore income a year. But the money is not allowed for religious activities and diverted by the government for other purposes," Raju lamented.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/nagpur/Govt-shouldnt-have-snapped-dialogue-with-Baba-says-RSS-chief/articleshow/8753903.

Indian spring and the colour saffron

Ravi Shankar Etteth

India’s colour of antiquity, saffron, takes on black, as a diminutive yogi in flaming orange and a Rasputinesque black beard, challenges a befuddled government with satyagraha. Forcing powerful ministers to run around like servitors in his ashram, Baba Ramdev humiliated the ambassadors of a corrupt political class—however personally honest some may be—who are fighting tooth and nail to protect looted national wealth hidden in banks overseas. The message was clear to the man on the street—the powerful politician is no more invincible. And the panjandrums of the Congress party screamed themselves hoarse, that the RSS is the driving force behind the Indian Spring.

They had the same cry during Anna Hazare’s fast at Jantar Mantar a month ago. Ramdev’s robe is cut from a different cloth. He has a mass following that will die for him, a huge ayurveda-yoga-education empire that allows him to be independent of political and mafia funding. His ideology may be muddled and medieval, standing against Colgate toothpaste and everything foreign—but his message is vehemently nationalistic. The RSS alarm raised by the Congress reveals poverty of thought and public disconnect.

The RSS got a bad name between 1950s and 1990s when socialism used its best weapon—propaganda—to give it a terror tag. When the Muslim vote bank of the Congress was threatened after Independence, it desperately needed an enemy. It counted on passivism of India’s majority to isolate Hindu nationalism as a convenient foe.

The RSS lacked the political machinery to counter this offensive and functioned like lotus eaters in a mythical dream land, where Vivekananda preached Vedanta and all gods spoke only Hindi. They have not been able to communicate their agenda to India’s emerging middle class who see them either as a bunch of eccentrics in khaki shorts doing exercises with sticks in public parks, or as mass murderers of Muslims, while most communal riots occurred during Congress rule, and largely in Congress-ruled states.

As India lurched towards liberalisation in the nineties and the noughties, the RSS became even more unfashionable; they didn’t wear Versace, nor smoke Cohibas or quote Deepak Chopra at cocktail parties. Indian history textbooks, dominated by its Leftist syllabus, do not mention RSS activism in Partition refugee camps—setting up tents, distributing medicines and food and providing shelter.

They continue doing what an organisation, whose core ideology is ‘swaraj’, does—descending in thousands when earthquakes struck Latur and Bhuj, working day and night rescuing Hindu and Muslim alike.

They sent their cadres to Surat when floods struck in 2006. In 2009, they were present when the cyclone Alia ravaged the Sunderbans. By the 1990s, the RSS had built schools in remote tribal areas and established charities. It operates over 1,00,000 voluntary programs on education, health, rural development and self-sufficiency as well as tribal rights.

Its opponents call the RSS an Indian Taliban that spreads saffron terror, while Al Qaeda writes bloody obituaries with machine guns and suicide squads, destroys schools and centuries old agricultural systems. The irony is, saffron terror—if it exists—is a reaction to terrorism against India. As millions of ordinary people celebrate an Indian spring in Baba Ramdev’s company, the ruling party doesn’t realise the irony of calling his movement RSS-inspired. The obvious inference would be that civil society is the Sangh. Somewhere, Keshav Baliram Hedgewar must be chuckling.

http://expressbuzz.com/opinion/columnists/indian-spring-and-the-colour-saffron/281200.html

इंसान को आश्चर्य में डाल देने वाली प्रकृति की पांच रचनाएं

 

प्रकृति के श्रृंगार ने मानव शुरु से ही हतप्रभ किया है। इस कड़ी में हम आपको ऐसे पांच तालाबों से परिचित कराने जा रहे हैं जो प्रकृति के सौंदर्य में चार चांद लगाने वाले हैं। इन आकृतियों को देख आप चौंक सकते हैं क्योंकि यह संरचनाएं हैं ही ऐसी। इनमें से ज्यादातर का निर्माण प्रकृति ने खुद ही किया है जबकि कुछ मानव से अनजाने में बन गईं।

 

1. लेडी लक लेक : यह तालाब रेड रिवर का ही एक हिस्सा है। ऐसे मौसम में जब नदी में पानी कम होता है तो वहां एक तालाब का निर्माण हो जाता है। अंग्रेजी शब्द यू का आकार ले लेने वाला कनाडा का यह तालाब और इसके बीच में फैली हरियाली इसे किसी खूबसूरत द्वीप का सा रूप देती है।

 

2. लेक इन पीसेज : इस तालाब को देख कर लगता है जैसे जमीन के एक टुकड़े को किसी ने पहले मछली के आकार में काटा हो और बाद में उसमें बर्फ जमा दी हो। नार्थ अमेरिका के सबसे ऊंचे शिखर मैकिनले के गर्भ में बने इस तालाब के बारे में कम ही लोगों को जानकारी है।

 

3. लैटिन अल्फाबेट लेक : ओहियो से कोरिया के बीच ऐसे कई लेक देखे जा सकते हैं जो दिल के आकार में बने हुए हैं। लेकिन यह एक ऐसा लेक है जो लैटिन शब्द ए का आकार लिए हुए है।

 

5. बांड बिल्ट लेक : बेल्जियम क ो अगर आप ऊ ंचाई से देखें तो पिस्टल के आकार की संरचना आपको जमीन पर बनी दिखाई देगी। गौरतलब है कि 70 के दशक में एक हाईवे के निर्माण के लि बालू की आवश्यकता को पूरा करने के लिए इस तालाब का निर्माण किया गया। लेकिन यह रचा ऐसा आकार ले लेगी इसका अंदाजा तो बनाने वालों को भी नही था।

 

4. इरोज लेक : जैसे प्रकृति को भी इस बात का एहसास है कि दिल को आकार में व्यक्त करने का तरीका क्या है। भारत के केरल प्रांत में स्थित इस लेक को देख आपको यह तो मानना ही पड़ेगा कि प्रकृति की चाल हमसे तेज है।